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Sign up. And I assure you they do suck the very bones till not a particle of marrow remains in them And so they eat him up stump and rump.

And when they have thus eaten him they collect his bones and put them in fine chests, and carry them away, and place them in caverns among the mountains where no beast nor other creature can get at them.

And you must know also that if they take prisoner a man of another country, and he cannot pay a ransom in coin, they kill him and eat him straightway.

Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles in the s studied the Batak and their rituals and laws regarding the consumption of human flesh, writing in detail about the transgressions that warranted such an act as well as their methods.

They eat human flesh only in wartime, when they are enraged, and in a few legal instances. Oscar von Kessel visited Silindung in the s and in was probably the first European to observe a Batak cannibalistic ritual in which a convicted adulterer was eaten alive.

His description parallels that of Marsden in some important respects, however von Kessel states that cannibalism was regarded by the Batak as a judicial act and its application was restricted to very narrowly defined infringements of the law including theft, adultery , spying or treason.

Salt, red pepper and lemons had to be provided by the relatives of the victim as a sign that they accepted the verdict of the community and were not thinking of revenge.

Ida Laura Pfeiffer visited the Batak in August and although she did not observe any cannibalism, she was told that:. Dutch and German missionaries to the Batak in the late 19th century observed a few instances of cannibalism and wrote lurid descriptions to their home parishes in order to raise donations for further missions.

Growing ethnic tensions culminated in the Karo Rebellion where the Karo were suppressed by Dutch and Malay forces. Despite this, Karo resistance to Dutch imperialism lingered into the early 20th century.

Family tree or lineage is a very important thing for the Batak. For those who do not know the lineage will be considered as a strayed nalilu Batak.

Batak people are required to know their lineage or at least the ancestors of which the family name Marga Batak and the related clans dongan tubu came from.

This is necessary in order to determine the relation of a kinship partuturanna within a clan or simply the surname Marga Batak itself. The Batak lands consist of North Sumatra province, excluding Nias island, the historically Malay kingdoms of the east coast and the western coast of Minangkabau people.

Significant numbers of Batak have migrated in recent years to prosperous neighbouring Riau province.

The various Batak cultures differ in their pre-colonial religious ideas as they do in many other aspects of culture. Information about the old religious ideas of the Mandailing and Angkola in southern Batakland is incomplete, and very little is known about the religion of the Pakpak and Simalungun Batak.

For the Toba and Karo on the other hand the evidence in the writings of missionaries and colonial administrators is relatively abundant. Information on the traditional forms of Batak religion is derived mainly from the writings of German and Dutch missionaries who became increasingly concerned with Batak beliefs towards the end of the 19th century.

Various influences affected the Batak through their contact with Tamil and Javanese traders and settlers in southern Batakland, and the east and west coast near Barus and Tapanuli , in particular the large Padang Lawas temple complex in Tapanuli.

These contacts took place many centuries ago and it is impossible to reconstruct just how far the religious ideas of these foreigners were adopted and reworked by the Batak.

It is suggested that the Batak adopted aspects of these religions, specifically Mahayana Buddhist, Shaivist , and Tantrist practices [18] within their own customs.

The modern Indonesian state is founded on the principles of pancasila , which requires the belief in 'one and only God', the practice of either Protestantism, Catholicism, Islam, Buddhism or Hinduism, one of which must be entered on an individual's KTP.

Traditional religions are not officially recognised, and accordingly traditional religions are increasingly marginalised, although aspects of the traditional Batak religion are still practised alongside Christianity.

There are many different versions in circulation. These were formerly passed down through oral tradition but have now been written down in the local languages.

There are also large collections of Batak tales collected by European scholars since the midth century and recorded in European languages, mostly Dutch.

At the beginning of time there was only the sky with a great sea beneath it. In the sky lived the gods and the sea was the home of a mighty underworld dragon Naga Padoha.

The earth did not yet exist and human beings, too, were as yet unknown. All the surviving myths record that at the beginning of creation stands the god Mula Jadi Na Bolon.

His origin remains uncertain. A rough translation of the name is the "beginning of becoming". The creation of everything that exists can be traced back to him.

Mula Jadi lives in the upper world which is usually thought of as divided into seven levels. Two swallows act as messengers and helpers to Mula Jadi in his act of creation.

Their functions vary in the different versions. Mula Jadi begets three daughters whom he gives as wives for his three sons.

Mankind is the result of the union of the three couples. Besides the three sons of Mula Jadi there is another god, Asiasi , whose place and function in the world of the gods remains largely unclear.

There is some evidence that Asiasi can be seen as the balance and unity of the trinity of gods. The ruler of the underworld, i. He too existed before the beginning and seems to be the opponent of Mula Jadi.

As ruler of the underworld Naga Padoha also has an important function in the creation of the earth. What all the six gods so far mentioned have in common is that they play a minor role in ritual.

They do not receive any sacrificial offerings from the faithful and no places of sacrifice are built for them.

They are merely called on in prayers for help and assistance. The origin of the earth and of mankind is connected mainly with the daughter of Batara Guru , Sideak Parujar , who is the actual creator of the earth.

She flees from her intended husband, the lizard-shaped son of Mangalabulan , and lets herself down on a spun thread from the sky to the middle world which at that time was still just a watery waste.

She refuses to go back but feels very unhappy. Out of compassion Mula Jadi sends his granddaughter a handful of earth so that she can find somewhere to live.

Sideak Parudjar was ordered to spread out this earth and thus the earth became broad and long. But the goddess was not able to enjoy her rest for long.

The earth had been spread out on the head of Naga Padoha , the dragon of the underworld who lived in the water. He groaned under the weight and attempted to get rid of it by rolling around.

The earth was softened by water and threatened to be utterly destroyed. With the help of Mula Jadi and by her own cunning Sideak Parudjar was able to overcome the dragon.

She thrust a sword into the body of Naga Padoha up to the hilt and laid him in an iron block. Whenever Naga Padoha twists in the fetters an earthquake occurs.

After the lizard-shaped son of Mangalabulan , the husband the gods intended for her, had taken another name and another form, Sideak Parujar marries him.

Sideak Parujar becomes the mother of twins of different sexes. When the two have grown up their divine parents return to the upper world leaving the couple behind on the earth.

Mankind is the result of their incestuous union. The mythological ancestor of the Batak, Si Raja Batak is one of their grandchildren. In the religious world of the Toba and Karo Batak the gods and the creation of mankind are far less significant than the complex concepts connected with the tendi Karo or tondi Toba and the begu.

Probably the most useful translations of these terms are "life-soul" and "death-soul". A person receives his "life-soul" tendi from Mula Jadi Na Bolon before he is born.

The destiny of the individual tendi is decided by the tendi itself before birth. Various myths are woven around manner in which the tendi choose their destiny from Mula Jadi.

Warneck, a missionary and for a long time superintendent ephorus of the Batak Church, recorded two particularly expressive myths in his major work on Batak religion.

Among the Karo and the Toba there are sometimes widely diverging versions of where the tendi dwells and how many tendi there are.

According to the Toba a person has seven tendi. The second tendi is found in the placenta and amniotic fluid of the new-born baby, and accordingly the afterbirth is given special attention after the birth of a child.

It is usually buried under the house, is called saudara brother and is regarded as the person's guardian spirit. Similar ideas about the afterbirth are also found among the Karo, who also bury the placenta and amniotic fluid under the house and regard them as two guardian spirits kaka and agi who always remain close to the person.

All Batak regard the loss of tendi as signifying a great danger for "body and soul". Tendi can be separated from their owners through inattentiveness, or as a result of black magic by a datu with evil intentions.

In other words, the tendi is not tied to the body; it can also live for a time outside the body. The final loss of the tendi inevitably results in death.

There are a variety of ideas about where exactly in the body the tendi dwells. It is present to a particularly high degree in certain parts of the body, especially the blood, the liver, the head and the heart.

Sweat too is described as rich in tendi. It is believed that illnesses are connected with the absence of tendi , and the bringing back of the tendi is a main method of healing.

These gifts may consist of a knife, a gong, a particular piece of clothing, a water buffalo or a small holy place.

The gifts are carefully cared for in order to keep the tendi satisfied. Tendi love the sound of the surdam a bamboo flute.

If a tendi has abandoned the body of a patient, the playing of the surdam in the raleng tendi ritual can contribute to the tendi returning to the body of the sick person.

It must be emphasized that only the datuk are in a position to interpret and influence people's tendi correctly. If their endeavors are unsuccessful, then clearly the tendi has chosen another destiny for itself.

At death the tendi leaves the human body through the fontanelle and the "death-soul" begu is set free. It is thought that the tendi vanishes and after the death of any human being only the begu continues to exist.

The Batak believe that the begu continue to live near their previous dwelling in a village of the dead which is thought to be situated not far from the cemetery and that they may contact their descendants.

Bad dreams, particular misfortune and such like may be signs that the begu of an ancestor is not satisfied with the behavior of its descendants.

Any individual can attempt to pacify an enraged begu by means of food and drink offerings and prayers. If this does not work, a datu or a guru must be called in.

The Batak believe that three categories of begu exist. It is possible to turn bicara guru into guardian spirits if misfortune has befallen the family of the child shortly after its death.

With the help of a guru sibaso , the bicara guru can be made the family's guardian spirit for which a shrine is provided and to which sacrifices are regularly made.

Once a year the bicara guru is accorded a special feast, preceded by ritual hair washing. The begu of members of the family who have had a sudden death mate sada-uari can also act as guardian spirits for the family.

They include the victims of accidents, suicides, murder victims, or people struck by lightning. A shrine is built where they are venerated and where sacrifices are made.

A third category consists of the begu of dead virgins tungkup. Their graves, called bata-bata or ingan tungkup , are maintained for a long time by their relatives.

Batak burial traditions are very rich and complex. Immediately after death various ritual actions are performed to make the begu understand that from now on its world is separate from that of its kin.

Symbolically this is done by reversing the mat on which the corpse is laid out so that the body lies with its head at the foot of the mat.

Thumbs and toes respectively are tied together and the body is rubbed all over with camphor and its orifices stopped with camphor , then it is wrapped in a white cotton cloth.

During this perumah begu ceremony a guru sibaso declares to the begu of the deceased that it is definitely dead and must take leave of its relatives.

Wealthier families have their coffins Karo: pelangkah made of the wood of the kemiri tree Aleurites moluccanus , carved in the shape of a boat, its bow decorated with the carved head of a hornbill , or a horse, or a mythical beast known as a singa.

The lid is then sealed with resin and the coffin may be placed in a special location near the family's house until a reburial ceremony can take place.

Families that are not wealthy use simple wooden coffins or wrap the body in a straw mat. The corpse is carried a few times round the house, usually by women, and then to the cemetery with musical accompaniment from the gondang orchestra and the continual firing of guns.

At any crossroads the corpse is put down and eleven people go around it four times to confuse the begu.

It is hoped that the begu will then be unable to find its way back to the village. When the funeral procession arrives at the cemetery the grave is dug and the corpse laid in it, flat on its back.

Care is taken that the head lies towards the village so that, in the unexpected event that the body should get up, he or she will not be looking in the direction of the village.

The bodies of datuk and those who have died from lightning are buried sitting up with their hands tied together. The palms of the hand are tied together and betel placed between them.

The burial tradition includes a reburial ceremony in which the bones of one's ancestors are reinterred several years after death.

This secondary burial is known among the Toba Batak as mangongkal holi , among the Karo as nurun-nurun. In a ceremony lasting several days the bones of a particularly honored ancestor and those of his descendants are exhumed, cleaned, mourned and finally laid to rest again in a bone house known as a tugu or tambak :.

In ancient times these sarcophagi were carved from stone or constructed from wood and later brick. Nowadays they are made of cement or concrete.

Large and very ornate tugu can be seen around Lake Toba and on the island of Samosir. One motive for the reburial ceremony appears to be to raise the status of the begu of the deceased.

Traditional Batak beliefs hold that the dead occupy a hierarchical status similar to the social position they held in life.

This means that a rich and powerful individual remains influential after death, and this status can be elevated if the family holds a reburial ceremony.

A rich descendant can advance a begu to the status of a sumangot by means of a great ceremony and a horja feast which can last up to seven days.

In antiquity a vast number of pigs, cattle or even buffalo were slaughtered at such festivals, and the gondang orchestra provided an accompaniment.

The next level up from the sumangot is the sombaon , who are the spirits of important ancestors who lived ten to twelve generations ago.

To raise a sumangot to a sombaon requires another great festival, a santi rea , often lasting several months, during which the inhabitants of the whole district come together.

These powerful ancestor spirits offer protection and good fortune to their descendants, but the ceremony also serves to establish new kinship groups descended from the ancestor thus honored.

In traditional Batak society datuk animist priests as well as gurus practiced traditional medicine , although the former were exclusively male.

Both professions were attributed with supernatural powers and the ability to predict the future. Treatments and healing rituals bear some resemblance to those practiced by dukuns in other parts of Indonesia.

Following the Christianization of the Toba and Karo Batak in the late 19th century, missionaries discouraged traditional healing and divination and they became largely clandestine activities.

Both datu and guru healers also practiced divination by consulting a pustaha , a handwritten book made of wood and bark in which were inscribed recipes for healing remedies, incantations and songs, predictive calendars, and other notes on magic, healing and divination written in poda, an archaic Batak shorthand.

According to Winkler, [50] there were three categories of Pustaha based on the purpose of their usage:. The datu or guru consulted the pustaha when presented with a difficult problem, and in time this became in itself a ritual.

When missionaries began to discourage traditional healing and augury the Bible may have been adopted by some gurus in place of the pustaha.

Among the most important healing ceremonies performed in Toba and Karo communities is that of recalling the jinujung, or personal guardian spirit.

According to Toba and Karo cosmology , each person receives a jinujung in childhood or at puberty and they keep it for life unless they are unfortunate enough to lose it, in which case they will fall ill.

In order to call the jinujung back, a female guru guru sibaso in Karo goes into a trance and the jinujung will enter into her and speak through her mouth.

At this time the sick person or the family can negotiate ritual payment to entice it to return. Traditional healers are not powerful enough to cure illness due to the loss of a person's tendi this falls under the jurisdiction of the datuk , however they do play a role in communicating with begu and influencing their behavior.

Malim is the modern form of the Batak Toba religion. Practitioners of Malim are called Parmalim. Non-Malim Batak peoples those following Christian or Muslim faith often continue to believe certain aspects of traditional Batak spiritual belief.

The 'Perodak-odak' movement among the Karo people in the s was a reassertion of the traditional Karo religion, but has largely faded; a subsequent Karo movement to identify as Hindu was noted starting from the late s in order to adopt, if only in name, one of the recognised religions of Indonesia , while in practice still following traditional beliefs.

Religion of Batak people in Indonesia census [56]. At the time of Marco Polo's visit in the people were described as "wild idolaters " who had not been influenced by outside religions, however by Ibn Battuta 's visit in Arab traders had established river-ports along the northern coasts of Sumatra and Sultan Al-Malik Al-Dhahir had recently converted to Islam.

Sir Stamford Raffles perceived the Batak lands as a buffer between the Islamic Aceh and Minang kingdoms, and encouraged Christian missionary work to preserve this.

Considering the shortness of their stay their account reveals very intensive first-hand observation.

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Features Offline and Online game. Additional information Published by Virtus Games. Published by Virtus Games.

Copyright Virtus Games. Developed by Virtus Games. Approximate size Age rating For all ages. This app can Use your location Access your Internet connection Access your Internet connection and act as a server.

Use your music library Use your pictures library Access your home or work networks Use data stored on an external storage device Use your video library.

Permissions info. Installation Get this app while signed in to your Microsoft account and install on up to ten Windows 10 devices. Publisher Info Batak support.

Additional terms Terms of transaction. Seizure warnings Photosensitive seizure warning. Report this product Report this game to Microsoft Thanks for reporting your concern.

Our team will review it and, if necessary, take action. Sign in to report this game to Microsoft. Besides the three sons of Mula Jadi there is another god, Asiasi , whose place and function in the world of the gods remains largely unclear.

There is some evidence that Asiasi can be seen as the balance and unity of the trinity of gods. The ruler of the underworld, i. He too existed before the beginning and seems to be the opponent of Mula Jadi.

As ruler of the underworld Naga Padoha also has an important function in the creation of the earth. What all the six gods so far mentioned have in common is that they play a minor role in ritual.

They do not receive any sacrificial offerings from the faithful and no places of sacrifice are built for them.

They are merely called on in prayers for help and assistance. The origin of the earth and of mankind is connected mainly with the daughter of Batara Guru , Sideak Parujar , who is the actual creator of the earth.

She flees from her intended husband, the lizard-shaped son of Mangalabulan , and lets herself down on a spun thread from the sky to the middle world which at that time was still just a watery waste.

She refuses to go back but feels very unhappy. Out of compassion Mula Jadi sends his granddaughter a handful of earth so that she can find somewhere to live.

Sideak Parudjar was ordered to spread out this earth and thus the earth became broad and long. But the goddess was not able to enjoy her rest for long.

The earth had been spread out on the head of Naga Padoha , the dragon of the underworld who lived in the water. He groaned under the weight and attempted to get rid of it by rolling around.

The earth was softened by water and threatened to be utterly destroyed. With the help of Mula Jadi and by her own cunning Sideak Parudjar was able to overcome the dragon.

She thrust a sword into the body of Naga Padoha up to the hilt and laid him in an iron block. Whenever Naga Padoha twists in the fetters an earthquake occurs.

After the lizard-shaped son of Mangalabulan , the husband the gods intended for her, had taken another name and another form, Sideak Parujar marries him.

Sideak Parujar becomes the mother of twins of different sexes. When the two have grown up their divine parents return to the upper world leaving the couple behind on the earth.

Mankind is the result of their incestuous union. The mythological ancestor of the Batak, Si Raja Batak is one of their grandchildren.

In the religious world of the Toba and Karo Batak the gods and the creation of mankind are far less significant than the complex concepts connected with the tendi Karo or tondi Toba and the begu.

Probably the most useful translations of these terms are "life-soul" and "death-soul". A person receives his "life-soul" tendi from Mula Jadi Na Bolon before he is born.

The destiny of the individual tendi is decided by the tendi itself before birth. Various myths are woven around manner in which the tendi choose their destiny from Mula Jadi.

Warneck, a missionary and for a long time superintendent ephorus of the Batak Church, recorded two particularly expressive myths in his major work on Batak religion.

Among the Karo and the Toba there are sometimes widely diverging versions of where the tendi dwells and how many tendi there are.

According to the Toba a person has seven tendi. The second tendi is found in the placenta and amniotic fluid of the new-born baby, and accordingly the afterbirth is given special attention after the birth of a child.

It is usually buried under the house, is called saudara brother and is regarded as the person's guardian spirit.

Similar ideas about the afterbirth are also found among the Karo, who also bury the placenta and amniotic fluid under the house and regard them as two guardian spirits kaka and agi who always remain close to the person.

All Batak regard the loss of tendi as signifying a great danger for "body and soul". Tendi can be separated from their owners through inattentiveness, or as a result of black magic by a datu with evil intentions.

In other words, the tendi is not tied to the body; it can also live for a time outside the body. The final loss of the tendi inevitably results in death.

There are a variety of ideas about where exactly in the body the tendi dwells. It is present to a particularly high degree in certain parts of the body, especially the blood, the liver, the head and the heart.

Sweat too is described as rich in tendi. It is believed that illnesses are connected with the absence of tendi , and the bringing back of the tendi is a main method of healing.

These gifts may consist of a knife, a gong, a particular piece of clothing, a water buffalo or a small holy place.

The gifts are carefully cared for in order to keep the tendi satisfied. Tendi love the sound of the surdam a bamboo flute.

If a tendi has abandoned the body of a patient, the playing of the surdam in the raleng tendi ritual can contribute to the tendi returning to the body of the sick person.

It must be emphasized that only the datuk are in a position to interpret and influence people's tendi correctly. If their endeavors are unsuccessful, then clearly the tendi has chosen another destiny for itself.

At death the tendi leaves the human body through the fontanelle and the "death-soul" begu is set free. It is thought that the tendi vanishes and after the death of any human being only the begu continues to exist.

The Batak believe that the begu continue to live near their previous dwelling in a village of the dead which is thought to be situated not far from the cemetery and that they may contact their descendants.

Bad dreams, particular misfortune and such like may be signs that the begu of an ancestor is not satisfied with the behavior of its descendants.

Any individual can attempt to pacify an enraged begu by means of food and drink offerings and prayers. If this does not work, a datu or a guru must be called in.

The Batak believe that three categories of begu exist. It is possible to turn bicara guru into guardian spirits if misfortune has befallen the family of the child shortly after its death.

With the help of a guru sibaso , the bicara guru can be made the family's guardian spirit for which a shrine is provided and to which sacrifices are regularly made.

Once a year the bicara guru is accorded a special feast, preceded by ritual hair washing. The begu of members of the family who have had a sudden death mate sada-uari can also act as guardian spirits for the family.

They include the victims of accidents, suicides, murder victims, or people struck by lightning. A shrine is built where they are venerated and where sacrifices are made.

A third category consists of the begu of dead virgins tungkup. Their graves, called bata-bata or ingan tungkup , are maintained for a long time by their relatives.

Batak burial traditions are very rich and complex. Immediately after death various ritual actions are performed to make the begu understand that from now on its world is separate from that of its kin.

Symbolically this is done by reversing the mat on which the corpse is laid out so that the body lies with its head at the foot of the mat. Thumbs and toes respectively are tied together and the body is rubbed all over with camphor and its orifices stopped with camphor , then it is wrapped in a white cotton cloth.

During this perumah begu ceremony a guru sibaso declares to the begu of the deceased that it is definitely dead and must take leave of its relatives.

Wealthier families have their coffins Karo: pelangkah made of the wood of the kemiri tree Aleurites moluccanus , carved in the shape of a boat, its bow decorated with the carved head of a hornbill , or a horse, or a mythical beast known as a singa.

The lid is then sealed with resin and the coffin may be placed in a special location near the family's house until a reburial ceremony can take place.

Families that are not wealthy use simple wooden coffins or wrap the body in a straw mat. The corpse is carried a few times round the house, usually by women, and then to the cemetery with musical accompaniment from the gondang orchestra and the continual firing of guns.

At any crossroads the corpse is put down and eleven people go around it four times to confuse the begu. It is hoped that the begu will then be unable to find its way back to the village.

When the funeral procession arrives at the cemetery the grave is dug and the corpse laid in it, flat on its back.

Care is taken that the head lies towards the village so that, in the unexpected event that the body should get up, he or she will not be looking in the direction of the village.

The bodies of datuk and those who have died from lightning are buried sitting up with their hands tied together. The palms of the hand are tied together and betel placed between them.

The burial tradition includes a reburial ceremony in which the bones of one's ancestors are reinterred several years after death.

This secondary burial is known among the Toba Batak as mangongkal holi , among the Karo as nurun-nurun.

In a ceremony lasting several days the bones of a particularly honored ancestor and those of his descendants are exhumed, cleaned, mourned and finally laid to rest again in a bone house known as a tugu or tambak :.

In ancient times these sarcophagi were carved from stone or constructed from wood and later brick. Nowadays they are made of cement or concrete.

Large and very ornate tugu can be seen around Lake Toba and on the island of Samosir. One motive for the reburial ceremony appears to be to raise the status of the begu of the deceased.

Traditional Batak beliefs hold that the dead occupy a hierarchical status similar to the social position they held in life.

This means that a rich and powerful individual remains influential after death, and this status can be elevated if the family holds a reburial ceremony.

A rich descendant can advance a begu to the status of a sumangot by means of a great ceremony and a horja feast which can last up to seven days. In antiquity a vast number of pigs, cattle or even buffalo were slaughtered at such festivals, and the gondang orchestra provided an accompaniment.

The next level up from the sumangot is the sombaon , who are the spirits of important ancestors who lived ten to twelve generations ago.

To raise a sumangot to a sombaon requires another great festival, a santi rea , often lasting several months, during which the inhabitants of the whole district come together.

These powerful ancestor spirits offer protection and good fortune to their descendants, but the ceremony also serves to establish new kinship groups descended from the ancestor thus honored.

In traditional Batak society datuk animist priests as well as gurus practiced traditional medicine , although the former were exclusively male.

Both professions were attributed with supernatural powers and the ability to predict the future. Treatments and healing rituals bear some resemblance to those practiced by dukuns in other parts of Indonesia.

Following the Christianization of the Toba and Karo Batak in the late 19th century, missionaries discouraged traditional healing and divination and they became largely clandestine activities.

Both datu and guru healers also practiced divination by consulting a pustaha , a handwritten book made of wood and bark in which were inscribed recipes for healing remedies, incantations and songs, predictive calendars, and other notes on magic, healing and divination written in poda, an archaic Batak shorthand.

According to Winkler, [50] there were three categories of Pustaha based on the purpose of their usage:. The datu or guru consulted the pustaha when presented with a difficult problem, and in time this became in itself a ritual.

When missionaries began to discourage traditional healing and augury the Bible may have been adopted by some gurus in place of the pustaha.

Among the most important healing ceremonies performed in Toba and Karo communities is that of recalling the jinujung, or personal guardian spirit.

According to Toba and Karo cosmology , each person receives a jinujung in childhood or at puberty and they keep it for life unless they are unfortunate enough to lose it, in which case they will fall ill.

In order to call the jinujung back, a female guru guru sibaso in Karo goes into a trance and the jinujung will enter into her and speak through her mouth.

At this time the sick person or the family can negotiate ritual payment to entice it to return. Traditional healers are not powerful enough to cure illness due to the loss of a person's tendi this falls under the jurisdiction of the datuk , however they do play a role in communicating with begu and influencing their behavior.

Malim is the modern form of the Batak Toba religion. Practitioners of Malim are called Parmalim. Non-Malim Batak peoples those following Christian or Muslim faith often continue to believe certain aspects of traditional Batak spiritual belief.

The 'Perodak-odak' movement among the Karo people in the s was a reassertion of the traditional Karo religion, but has largely faded; a subsequent Karo movement to identify as Hindu was noted starting from the late s in order to adopt, if only in name, one of the recognised religions of Indonesia , while in practice still following traditional beliefs.

Religion of Batak people in Indonesia census [56]. At the time of Marco Polo's visit in the people were described as "wild idolaters " who had not been influenced by outside religions, however by Ibn Battuta 's visit in Arab traders had established river-ports along the northern coasts of Sumatra and Sultan Al-Malik Al-Dhahir had recently converted to Islam.

Sir Stamford Raffles perceived the Batak lands as a buffer between the Islamic Aceh and Minang kingdoms, and encouraged Christian missionary work to preserve this.

Considering the shortness of their stay their account reveals very intensive first-hand observation. This was followed in by Henry Lyman missionary and Samuel Munson from the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions who met with a more hostile reception.

Herman Neubronner van der Tuuk was employed by the Nederlands Bijbel Genootschap Netherlands Bible Society in the s to produce a Batak—Dutch grammar-book and a dictionary, which enabled future Dutch and German missionaries to undertake the conversion of the Toba and Simalungan Batak.

The first German missionaries to the Lake Toba region arrived in , and a mission was established in by Dr. Nommensen in and a translation of the Old Testament was completed by P.

Johannsen in The Toba and Karo Batak accepted Christianity rapidly and by the early 20th century it had become part of their cultural identity. This period was characterized by the arrival of Dutch colonists and while most Batak did not oppose the Dutch, the Toba Batak fought a guerrilla war that lasted into the early 20th century and ended only with the death in of their charismatic priest-warrior-king Si Sisingamangaraja XII , who had battled the Dutch during the First Toba War with both magic and weaponry.

By the late s a nursing school was training nurse midwives there. The Mandailing and Angkola people, occupying the southern Batak lands, came under the influence of the neighbouring Islamic Minangkabau people as a result of the Padri War — Islam caused the decline in importance of marga, with many Mandailing abandoning their marga in favour of Muslim names, much less so among the Angkola to their North.

The advent of Islam also caused the relegation of the datuk to a medicine man, with traditional rice-planting ceremonies and other such remnants of traditional culture deemed incompatible with Islam.

The 'pasusur begu', a ceremony invoking ancestors to aid the community, was also suppressed. Other aspects of adat were however tolerated, with the Mandailing Islamic ideology placing adat on the same level as Islamic law, as in contrast with the Minang practice of placing Islamic law above adat.

In more recent times, learned Islamic scholars ulama studying abroad, have suggested that many traditional Mandailing practices, such as the 'Raja' hereditary leaders, were in conflict with Islam, being indicative of 'pele begu'.

The Islamist ulama were in conflict for authority with the Namora-Natora, the traditional village legal practitioners, who were influenced by adat as much as Islam.

Christian missionaries had been active among the northern Mandailing from onwards, but their progress was restricted by the Dutch government, who feared conflict between newly converted Christians and Muslims.

In addition, the lingua franca of the government was Malay, associated with Muslims, as were government civil servants, creating the perception that Islam was the religion of modernity and progress.

Missionaries determined that resistance among the Muslim Mandailing to Christianity was strong, and the missionaries abandoned them as 'unreachable people', moving north to evangelize the Toba.

At the turn of the 20th century, nearly all Mandailing and Angkola were Muslims. Despite this, the Dutch administration marked them as part of the Bataklanden, and therefore heathen or Christian.

This perception was an inaccurate one, and many Mandailing strongly rejected the 'Batak' label. In the Dutch census, the Mandailing objected strongly to being listed in the census as 'Batak Mandailing'.

Mandailing in Malaysia who migrated in the years following the Padri war , had no such objection to their being deemed 'Malays', and indeed Malaysian Mandailing retain little of their distinct identity, partly due to a British colonial policy of rice-land ownership restrictions for all but Malay-speaking Muslims, and the disapproval of 'Batak' Muslim practices by the existing Malay Muslim population.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about the Batak people of Indonesia. For the Batak people of the Philippines, see Batak people Philippines.

For indigenous Negrito group of peninsular Malaysia, see Batek people. For other uses, see Batak disambiguation. Ethnic groups of North Sumatra, Indonesia.

Main article: Batak languages. See also: Batak script. Main article: Tarombo. Main article: Parmalim. For other uses, see Pemena. See also: Religion in Indonesia.

Catholic 6. Islam Buddhism 0. Hinduism 0. Others 0. Main article: List of Batak people. Indonesia portal. Statistics Indonesia BPS.

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